Prologue The Koran Baghdad: The Rule of St. Benedict Duke William of Aquitane:
The issue presented in the campaign of is the issue between plutocracy and democracy. All the questions under discussion will, in their last analysis, disclose the conflict between the dollar and the mana conflict as old as the human race, and one which will continue as long as the human race endures.
The struggle for American independence was a culmination of the protest of the people living in America against measures which subordinated their rights to the interests of English traders. The correspondence between Lord Howe and Benjamin Franklin, about the time of the signing of the Declaration of Independence, shows that the main object of Englands colonial policy was to control American trade.
But if the deep-rooted prejudices of America and the necessity of preventing her trade from passing into foreign channels must keep us still a divided people, I shall, from every public, as well as private, motive, most heartily lament that this Is not the moment wherein those great objects of my ambition are to be attained, and that I am to be longer deprived of an opportunity to assure you, personally, of the regard with which I am, etc.
To this letter Franklin immediately replied: Th4 The well-founded esteem and, permit me to say, affection, which I shall always have for your Lordship make it painful to me to see you engaged in conducting a war, the great ground of which as de- scribed in your letter is the necessity of preventing the American trade from passing into foreign channels.
To me it seems that neither the obtaining nor retaining any trade, how valuable soever, is an ob- ject for which men may justly spill each others blood; that the true and Sine means of extending and securing commerce are the goodness and cheapness of commodities; and that the profits of no trade can ever be equal to the expense of compelling it and holding it by fleets and armies.
I consider this war against us, therefore, as both unjust and unwise; and I am persuaded that cool and dispassionate posterity will condemn to infamy those who advised it; and that even success will not save from some degree of dishonor those who voluntarily en- gaged to conduct it.
Upon these four pillars, quarried from the mountain of eternal truth, all free government must forever rest. Then followed the War of the Revolution, with its sacrifices and its sacred memories, with its trials and its triumphs, estab- lishing a government dedicated to liberty.
But before a generation had passed, wealth, represented by 1-Jamilton, began to assert itself, and contempt for the rights of man and distrust of the people themselves began to be manifest. Jefferson, the author of the Declaration of Independence, under- took the task of arousing the friends of human rights and civil liberty, and he led them to victory in The impetus given to American Democracy by its first success in the forum of politics carried it through several Presidential terms.
During Jacksons administration another battle was fought between the capitalistic classes and the people at large. The National Bank marshalled an almost irresistible army of finan- ciers, business men, newspapers and politicians in defense of a gigantic monopoly.
Th5 and, in a contest seldom, if ever, equalled in bitterness, won the second peaceful victory for human rights against inhuman greed. Jackson is generally spoken of as a warrior rather than as a political philosopher. In the message which accompanied his veto of the National Bank Act he said: It is to be regretted that the rich and powerful too often bend the acts of government to their selfish purposes.
Distinctions in society will always exist under every just government. Equality of talents, of education, or of wealth, cannot be produced by human institutions. In the full enjoyment of the gifts of Heaven and the fruits of superior industry, economy, and virtue, every man is equally entitled to protec- tion by law; but when the law undertakes to add to these natural and just advantages artificial distinctions, to grant titles, gratuities, and exclusive privileges, to make the rich richer and the potent more powerful, the humble members of societythe farmers, mechanics, and laborerswho have neither the time nor the means of securing like favors to themselves, have a right to complain of the injustice of their government.
There are no necessary evils in government. Its evils exist only in its abuses. If it would confine itself to equal pro- tection, and, as Heaven does its rain, shower its favors alike on the high and the low, the rich and the poor, it would be an unqualified blessing.
Benton, in estimating the work of Jackson, said that in over- throwing the bank conspiracy he saved America, as Cicero saved iRome by overthrowing the conspiracy of Catiline. No one can read the history of the country from to without recog- nizing the impending struggle betwech slavery, as an institution, and the abolition of slavery.
Every important measure brought before Congress was scrutinized, and its possible bearing on the slavery question was considered, by both friends and opponents.
In Abraham Lincoln made a speech which attracted public attention to him as the leader of the anti-slavery sentiment. A house divided against itself cannot stand. I believe this government cannot endure permanently half slave and half free. I do not expect the Union to be dissolved; I do not expect the house to fall, but I do expect It will cease to be divided.
It will become all one thing or all the other. Think of it, iRepublicans celebrating the birthday of Jefferson! In that letter he paid to Jefferson a high tribute. In the same letter, Lincoln, in discussing the relation which should exist between the man and the dollar, said that the ]liepublicans were both for the man and the dollar, but, in case of conflict, the man before the dollar.
Man, the handiwork of God, comes first; the dollar, the handiwork of man, comes afterwards. During his first administration Lincoln pointed out the attempt, then in its beginning, to place money, the thing accumu- lated, above the individual by whose toil it was accumulated, and warned his countrymen that the exaltation of matter and the degradation of man threatened the very existence of the Republic.
ILTere are his words: In my present position, I could scarcely be Justified were I to omit raising a warning voice against this approach of returning despotism. It is not needed nor fitting here that a gen- eral argument should be made in favor of popular institutions, but there is one point, with its connections, not so hackneyed as most others, to which I ask a brief attention.
It is the effort to place capital on an equal footing with, if not above, labor In the structure of government.For the Period Before , Analyze the Ways in Which Britain's Policy of “Salutary Neglect” Influenced the Development of American Society as Illustrated in .
The nineteenth century is one of the important and best-known periods of European history with regard to its effects on changing and shaping the statehood, political independence.
#2 For the period before , analyze the ways in which Britain’s policy of salutary neglect influenced the development of American Society as illustrated in the following. Because of Britain’s salutary neglect policy, the colonies enjoyed a lot of freedom, which in effect led to the development of American society.
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It has long been assumed that most African migrants eventually return home. During the colonial period, most were away for only a short stay before returning to farming at home.
The period away appears to have lengthened for various reasons. Farmers settle down to grow cash crops, even though they are not working their own land.
#2 For the period before , analyze the ways in which Britain’s policy of salutary neglect influenced the development of American Society as illustrated in the following.
Because of Britain’s salutary neglect policy, the colonies enjoyed a lot of freedom, which in effect led to the development of American society.